Saturday 21 May 2011

A richness of Martens...


As an undergraduate I noticed occasionally that quite often my bibliographies - alphabetically speaking - were particularly stacked around certain letters or in one particular part of the alphabet. It's something that I found in diplomatic compilations in even a more pronounced way: three scholars drawn to international law, compilations of peace treaties and diplomacy with the same surname.
In the first case it's not incredibly surprising as the work of  the German jurist and diplomat Georg F. Martens (above), best known as the editor of the  Nouvelle recueil des traites, was continued on his death,  by his nephew,  Karl von Martens. The younger Martens shared his uncle's interests; as well as editing his own treaty series, he also wrote a guide to famous cases of international law in history and the widely-read practical guide for the diplomat Le guide diplomatique, I was lucky enough to pick up for only a few pounds before I left the UK in the 2nd edition of 1832. 
The third Martens was a Russian legal scholar who was active around the turn of the twentieth century, Fedor Fedorovich Martens (1845-1909.) He represented Russia at the first Hague Convention of 1899  and drafted the clause that became known as the "Martens Clause", which stated: "Until a more complete code of the laws of war is issued, the High Contracting Parties think it right to declare that in cases not included in the Regulations adopted by them, populations and belligerents remain under the protection and empire of the principles of international law, as they result from the usages established between civilized nations, from the laws of humanity and the requirements of the public conscience." In more plain words, just because certain principles or acts are not prohibited in the stipulations of treaties it does not necessarily follow that those principles or acts are legal. Moreover, it also recognises that international law is not only adjudicated by those that shape it and their appointed arbiters, but that it also should be subject to the public conscience. 
He wrote many works on international law, including a series on Russian treaties with other powers that stretched to fifteen volumes and a more general studies of war and peace, and international law, Traité de droit internationalSee also the biography of him by V.V. Poustogarov Our Martens: F.F. Martens, International Lawyer and Architect of Peace (Kluwer Law International, 2000)
The title is an excuse to deviate from the subject slightly. A richness is the collective noun referring to the furry kind of marten related to minks and weasels (rather than those related to international jurists, I couldn't find a collective term for them. Perhaps a martens?) While we're off the subject, in looking about to find this piece of information I also found out another piece of useless information which I quite liked: the mobile phone company Nokia is named after a stream near where the company started in Finland, the Nokianvirter or stream of the nokia marten, which lived there in great numbers.

Wednesday 18 May 2011

Hugh Trevor-Roper's Rules of Writing...


Not a post particularly within the usual scope of this blog, but I thought I should post this. Trevor-Roper's rules of writing, which circulated widely among his students and colleagues at Cambridge in the seventies and eighties. So I believe because I was given them by one of my supervisors a few years ago, who suggested that they passed in samizdat form from scholar's hand to scholars' hands. He had been examined by HT-R, newly made Lord Dacre of Glanton, in the mid-1980s, around the time when he had just made his misguided assessment of the Hitler Diaries for the Rupert Murdoch-owned Sunday Times. 


Dacre realised that the diaries were, in fact, not genuine on Saturday afternoon, around the time that the Times production line started up. Told this, Murdoch ordered the presses to roll regardless, with the famous blunt and graceless comment that you can find here, where is appears alongside HT-R's far more restrained judgment of Murdoch as "a megalomaniac twister, surrounded by yes men and hatchet men..." A shame that this error of judgment is what HT-R's remembered for the most, rather than the superb account of Hitler's last days published in 1947 and reworked at various points up until his death.


I'm not sure they're on the web, so thought I'd put these points on writing up as I've found them quite useful in thinking about how to write history. Or, for that matter, how to write almost anything more complicated than a shopping list...

THE TEN COMMANDMENTS OF WRITING
1 Thou shalt know thine own argument and cleave fast to it, and shall not digress nor deviate from it without the knowledge and consent of the reader, whom at all times thou shalt lead at a pace which he can follow and by a route which is clear to him as he goeth.


2. Thou shalt respect the autonomy of the paragraph, as commended by the authority and example of the historian Edward Gibbon; for it is the essential unit in the chain of argument. Therefore thou shalt keep it pure and self-contained, each paragraph having  within it a single central point to which all other observations in it shall be exactly subordinated by the proper use of the particles and inflexions given to us for this purpose.

3. Thou shalt aim always at clarity of exposition, to which all other literary aims shall be subordinated, remembering the rule clarté prime, longeur secondaire.”* To this end thou shalt strive that no sentence be syntactically capable of any unintended meaning. To this end also thou shalt not fear to repeat thyself, if clarity require it, nor to state facts which thou thinkest as well known to others as to thyself; for it is better to remind the learned than to leave the unlearned in perplexity.

4. Thou shalt keep the structure of thy sentences clear, preferring short sentences to long and simple structures to complex, lest the reader lose his way in a labyrinth of subordinate clauses; and in particular, thou shalt not enclose one relative clause in another,  for this both betrays crudity of expression and is a fertile source of ambiguity.

5. Thou shalt preserve the unities of time and place,** placing thyself, in imagination, in one time and one place, and distinguishing all others to which thou mayest refer by a proper use of tenses and other forms of speech devised for this purpose; for unless we exploit the distinction between past and pluperfect tenses, and between imperfect and future conditional, we cannot attain perfect limpidity of style and argument.

6. Thou shalt not despise the subjunctive mood, a useful, subtle and graceful mood, blessed by Erasmus and venerated by George Moore, though cursed and anathematized by the Holy Inquisition, politicians and some of the media, and others who prefer to diminish language.***

7. Thou shalt always proceed in an orderly fashion, according to the rules of right reason: as, from the general to the particular when a generality is to be illustrated, but from the particular to the general when a generality is to be proved.

8. Thou shalt see what thou writest, and therefore shall not mix thy metaphors. For a mixed metaphor is proof that the image therein contained has not been seen worth the inner eye, and therefore such a metaphor is not a true metaphor, created out of the active eye of imagination, but from stale jargon idly drawn up from the stagnant sump of commonplace.

9. Thou shalt also hear what thou writest, with thine inner ear, so that no outer ear may be offended by jarring syllables or unmelodious rhythm; remembering herein with piety, though not striving to imitate, the rotundities of Sir Thomas Browne, and the clausulae of Cicero.

10. Thou shalt carefully expunge from thy writing all consciously written purple passages, lest they rise up to shame thee in thine old age.
                                                                                AMEN

* Some versions ascribe this to "the prophet Black."
** Another version adds "as commended by the High Priest Nicholas Boileau, (1636-1711)"
*** Another version has it ‘the Holy Inquisition, Pravda, and the late Lord Beaverbrook.’

Monday 9 May 2011

Jean Yves de Saint-Prest.

As I’ve said before the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries saw several massive projects to transcribe and publish the contents of royal archives started. It’s quite amazing how many there actually are are. I’ve written already about the imperial historiographer Jean Dumont’s Corps Universel de Droit des Gens, about the need for more historical work to be done on the drive to compile peace treaties that he was part of, and my joy at finding these works made available to scholars over the internet. So I thought today I’d post a link to the text of another compilation, this time the Histoire des Traités de Paix put together by Jean Yves de Saint-Prest (1640-1721) and published after his death in 1725.  What I find particularly fascinating about comparing these works is not the texts of treaties they contain – after all, these tend to be pretty much the same, at least from Dumont onwards. It’s their different rationales for justifying why a study of treaties is important. 

In this respect, Saint-Prest is one of my favourites. His cynical suggestions that ‘one fools men with treaties as one fools children with nuts’ or that they were simply ‘spiders’ webs that are unable to catch flies’ are balanced with the idea that despite their faults, without peace treaties there would be an almost ‘universal upheaval’ between the states of the world; that as a soldier defends his patrie with a sword, so does the diplomat with his pen. There’s something that I particularly like about this passage from the introduction that extends this idea: ‘…que les transactions qu’on nomme Traitées de Paix, etc faites et ratifiées solonellement par les puissances assemblée, établies sur une infinité de précautions, jurées, après des dis cussions sans nombre, sur les Saints Evangiles, au nom de la trés Sainte Trinité, aux yeux de tous les peoples de l’univers, ne soient un necessité si indispensable, que sans elles on verroit bien-tôt un bouleversement universel dans les Etats. Toutes ces circonstances rendent l’étude des Traités de Paix la plus belle etude du monde et la plus nécessaire par rapport au bien public. Ceux qui s’y appliquent par leur plume qu’un habile Général par son épée. De meme que ceux-ci repoussent les violanes d’un ennemi qui attaque à force ouverte, les premiers repoussent les sophisms et les subtilités des perjures, mettent au jour leur mauvaise foi, et renversent leurs chicanes et leurs equivoques.’ (p.I.)

Of course, such sentiments praising the capacity of diplomacy to ‘counter the sophisms and subtleties of the dishonest, uncover their bad faith, and counter their chicanes and equivocations’ are not surprising, considering that Saint-Prest was the director of both the archival dépot of French foreign affairs and the  French diplomatic academy, both newly set up by Secretary of State, the Marquis de Torcy in 1710. What I like about this passage, though, is that it suggests studying peace treaties is not only useful, but also honourable and useful. This is something that is easy to forget. Looking at peace treaties retrospectively, it's much easier to see the equivocations, chicanes and deceptions that lead to the failures of particular agreements than it is the good intentions that led to other.

The Bilbiothèque Nationale in Paris has made Saint-Prest’s editions of treaties available through Gallica. Read/ download it here. Or, if you prefer, there is also a version scanned by the Boston Library of a copy once owned by the American statesman John Adams.

Wednesday 4 May 2011

"Here was my library on the wall..."

For the last few weeks I've been working in the Petherick Room of the National Library of Australia in Canberra. It really is a great library, one that I've loved at many different points of my life from high school to now.  The café, which didn't exist when I first started coming here years ago, is named with a groan-inducing pun, Bookplate. On its walls are, as you can probably guess, framed Ex Libris from the library's collection. The other day I noticed one belonging to the Australian prime minister Robert Menzies, who declared the country at war with Germany on 3rd September 1939.


At the front is a parchment on which is written Declaration of War. Behind is other expressions of Menzies personality: one of the parliamentary dispatch box that stand sin the Australian parliament (of course), a lawyer's wig (he was a noted lawyer), a caraffe and glass (he was frequently accused of drunkeness by some, sometimes with good reason), bookshelf and a spray of wattle. It was done by the printmaker Sir Lionel Lindsay, brother of Norman Linsday. He was a friend of Menzies who enjoyed his "divine and disordered conversation" and was responsible for his knighthood in 1941, around the time that these bookplates were commissioned.

Lindsay produced a great number of Ex Libris, a genre that enjoyed a widespread popularity in the first half of the twentieth century, when they became less to do with the armorial bearings of book owners and more depictions of their personal interests and traits. Whereas many contemporary artists produced them to supplement their income, Lindsay saw them as personal gifts to friends and family and an escape from his more serious art. (Sir Lionel Linsday Ex Libris, 4-5.)

This Ex Libris for Menzies is fairly similar to some of his other bookplates produced around the same time. In 1940 he made one for the Chief Justice Sir Frederick Jordan, which featured a forground of an open book in front of a decanter and glass, a judge’s wig and a bookshelf. In 1945 he made one for the doctor Clive Fitts with similar themes, although with a lit cigar on an ashtray and without the wig. In the same year Lindsay designed one for the chief  librarian of the NSW Library, John Quinn, which had similar themes arranged in a more casual way. A dog peers from behind a bottle of whiskey; a pile of books is to the right; one is open in the foreground with a paper knife on top of it.


My immediate reaction when I saw this plate was that it was odd for a bookplate to commemorate war. On reflection, I’m not sure why that is. Looking into it briefly, most of the plates I found that mentioned war were, in fact, criticisms of war, such as these two examples from 1914 by Louis Titz (above) and Alan Robbida (below) found here. I particularly like Titz's, with its inscription "Here was my library on the wall" written in the middle of the ruins. This seems to back up my initial suspicion that war is conventionally depicted as destroying books and knowledge and peace as cultivating the arts. 



I did find some other, brief references to war in the bookplates of soldiers: In bello quies (Calm in Action or Peace achieved through war) was the motto of General Birdwood commander at ANZAC and  used in his bookplates; Monty’s bookplate has two soldiers either side of his coat of arms, one dressed as a modern solider, the other as a medieval knight. 


This may be why Lindsay produced a second Ex libris for Menzies in 1942, depicting a boy sitting beside a stream, trying to fish a sceptre out of the water. There's something else beneath the water's surface, too, but I can't quite make it out (the hilt of a sword? An orb? A lobster...?) I can't quite place these themes to any established allegory I know, although if the boy was fishing (unlikely, I know), it would be close to Erasmus' Aureo pisci hamo - To fish with a golden hook, which warns of using something as bait that is more valuable than what you hope to catch. Once again the theme Lindsay chose, that of lost political power, was timely as  Menzies resigned the prime ministership in the previous year.

 

A final note. My favourite of all Lindsay's plates has to be the one he made for the bookdealer John Preece in 1928. In this, an archer aims a bow at flying books, a satchel full of them at his side. A report from that year of teh Ex Libris Society of Australia suggests 'It shows an archer launching his darts not at birds on the wing, but books in their flight from the publisher to the market, and is a charming woodcut.' I'm still not sure whether the archer is meant to be a bookdealer or a critic. I think it's a beautiful illustration that reminds me of something from Rabelais. 

Sunday 1 May 2011

Peace Drives Away War


I was walking past the new acquisitions case in the library today and the cover of Colleen Murphy's new book A Moral Theory of Political Reconciliation leapt out at me. Not only because the subject area is one I'm interested in, but also because of the cover is the Milanese painter Giulio Cesare Procaccini's La Paix Chassant Guerre, now in the Louvre.

It's a fairly usual depiction of peace from the late renaissance/ early baroque periods, but it made me think about how such images still retain their power after so many centuries and how I should begin to catalogue these works when I come across them, especially as there begin to be so many of them from the 1600s.

Let’s not forget the wolves…


It’s obvious from mere flick through any blogging site that weblogs (to give them their full and proper name) are a mass elephants’ graveyard in the internet jungle where the interests and dreams of many people go to die untended and alone. The family blog trails off after the kids’ second birthday. The specialist in threaded fasteners stops writing midway through his catalogue types of handmade screws and bolts of the pre-industrial Midwest. Those of candid prostitutes and candied cooks peter out after the book deal is inked, and revived sporadically as the second book teeters towards being remaindered.

For the last few months this blog has appeared as if it was going to become one of these: the good initial impulses, the slightly poorer and more distracted second month, a long stretch of silence with occasional hiccups of life. I've felt as if it’s been in danger of being a forgotten and abandoned mud brick dwelling fit perhaps  only for future web-archaeologists to perhaps stumble over to say "yes, indeed, there was once life here. But not now. We don't know where the people that built this went, as this is all they've left us..."

My excuses are several and, I think, reasonable. My interest in matters of war and peace have been swamped by the preoccupations of moving house, moving country and, most importantly, learning how to be a father to my new daughter born in the middle of last November.

So several months later and I’m back in the library on the other side of the world after my non-statutory paternity leave; it feels like I’m learning to think and write again, alongside that strange process of rediscovering things that I’ve already thought and written which feel as if they were dreamed up by strangers. I have, I’ve realised, missed reading and writing a great deal. In the case of this blog I know I have missed writing it more than I have been missed by anyone reading it. It gave a regularity to my writing, a place where stray ends could be noted in a more comprehensive way than in a notebook or a single dogend of paper, a hint that what I’m doing may be useful or interesting one day to someone beyond myself. Most importantly though, and what I’ve missed, was the feeling that I was actually finishing little pieces of work while struggling with the usual battles of larger pieces of research that seem unending. I have quite a few of these dogends that I'll work up to putting up here over the next few weeks as I get back into writing.



Despite feeling somewhat rusty, I’m going to try to make a few brief notes on the relationship between proverbs that use analogies drawn from the animal kingdom that describe political relationships between humans. When I first sat down to think about writing something about this, I thought that the impulse to write on this had come only from my recent reading of Hal Foster’s review in the LRB this morning of a collection of lectures given by Jacques Derrida, The Beast and the Sovereign, Volume I and, in turn, my brief look over/ under/ around those lectures online. Not to mention, of course, the connections that I made between these and my ongoing interest in the adages of Erasmus.

Now I’m writing, though, it’s occurred to me that it’s also probably influenced by Charles Martin’s lovely translation of the Metamorphoses of Ovid that I bought before we left the UK. This has been something that I’ve been gradually dipping into in those minutes/ hours/ what seems like months that it takes my new daughter to sleep.


It’s a fairly obvious observation that  it is at its heart it is a book about transformations, which has resonated with me over the past few months not only as one of its steady themes is the transformative power of love. In one sense such transformations are ones that take place in private and inward ways; in another, they are external and evident to others. So it is when, in Ovid, gods and humans change themselves or are changed into other forms, whether that be a god transforming to inspire love (Zeus’ usual trick to get laid, of course, see Europa, Danäe etc), or gods turning mortals or lesser deities into other shapes, whether that be as punishment (Lycaon, Kallisto etc), a reward (Daphne, Pygmalion), or for other reasons. It’s also occurred to me how relevant this theme is to me in a more immediate context – that of watching my daughter transform from a peaceful sleeping baby into a howling beast in the space of a few minutes. 

Anyway, this post is simply to raise a few questions and make a few points about Derrida’s Beast and Sovereign, Erasmus’ Adages and Ovid’s Metamorphoses. It should come with a  caveat; I’m not a scholar of philosophy in general or Derrida in particular, neither am I a classicist. Having said that, I am interested in making connections between different genres and periods of thought and I’m looking to open up ideas rather than state them definitively. 

Derrida’s preoccupation in these lectures is the concept of sovereignty, particularly as it is articulated in the discussion of man as a political animal throughout history. As he put it, in the yearbook of the ÉHESS, where the course was delivered from 2001 to 2003: ‘The point was not merely to study, from Aristotle to contemporary discussions (Foucault, Agamben), the canonical texts around the interpretation of man as a “political animal.” We had above all to explore the “logics” of organizing both the submission of the beast (and the living being) to political sovereignty, and an irresistible and overloaded analogy between a beast and a sovereign supposed to share a space of some exteriority with respect to “law” and “right” (outside the law: above the law: the origin and foundation of law).


This discussion, of course, ranges widely. It takes on ideas of princely cunning that extend from Plautus to  Machivelli to la Fontaine – that the ruler must at once be fox and lion by adopting both the policy of cunning with a mighty strength. Moreover, he is fascinated by the way that the figure of the wolf appears in many political texts. The were-wolf caught between wholly wolf and wholly man in La Fontaine, the wolf in Machiavelli that he makes a great point in having forgotten in a previous seminar: “And let’s not forget the wolves,” Derrida says on the page in a lengthy parenthetical aside. “I insist on the forgetting as much as the wolves and the genelycology because what we should not stint on here is the economy of forgetting as repression, and some logic of the political unconsciousness which busies itself around all these proliferating productions and all these chasings after, panting after so many animal monsters, fantastic beasts, chimeras, and centaurs that the point, in chasing them, is to cause them to fall, to forget them, repress them, of course, but also (and it is not simply the contrary), on the contrary, to capture them, domesticate them, humanize them, anthropomorphize them, tame them, cultivate them, park them, which is only possible only be animalizing man and letting so many symptoms show up on the surface of political and ideological discourse…”A fairly lengthy quote, but if Derrida’s hard to translate, he’s also hard to edit when he’s on one of these kind of rolls.

What occurred to me in reading this is that there is at least one notable wolf that Derrida forgets – either artfully or unconsciously. One of these seemed to me to be an odd omission. Lycaon, the tyrant of Arcadia, who was transformed by Zeus into a wolf. Ovid suggests that the king murdered a ‘hostage’ sent by the Molossian kingdom, who he served up at a feast for Zeus, who was then travelling in human form to see if men were really as bad as he had heard. The king, ‘severing [the man’s] windpipe, cut/ his body into pieces and then put/ the throbbing parts up to be broiled or boiled…’ Pausanias’ account suggests instead that his crime was that he sacrificed a child on the altar of Zeus, which offended rather than pleased the god.


As far as Ovid’s account goes, Lycaon is interesting in that he is the first transformation of a human in the Metamorphoses. In this, he is a liminal figure in the grand narrative of  the different ages of human life, as he stands at the beginning of humans organising themselves into cities and societies. In fact, this is brought out in other versions of the myth elsewhere: Pausanias suggests that he was the bringer of order and civilisation to humans; his father was the chthonic king Pelasgos, born from the earth, who forbade his subjects from subsisting on grass and leaves, introduced them to eating acorns, and taught them to live in shelters and to wear clothes; his son extended this work by founding a city in Arcadia, Lykosura, the first in the world, and instituting the games dedicated to Zeus that tied the city to the surrounding regions. In this account it was the sacrifice of a child on the altar of Zeus that offended the gods. Either way, the myth speaks of the importance of keeping correct relationships with the gods who, in Ovid’s account, even have their own lares and penates as household deities in their own Olympian halls, echoing the religo-civic make up of imperial Rome. 

Ovid puts these words about Lycaon in Zeus’ mouth as a conclusion to this story, delivered to the assembled Olympian gods: “Frightened, he runs off to the silent fields/ and howls aloud, attempting speech in vain;/ foam gathers at the corners of his mouth;/ he turns his lust for slaughter on the flocks,/ and mangles them, rejoicing still in blood./ His garments now become a shaggy pelt;/ his arms turn into legs, and he, to wolf/ while still retaining traces of the man:/ greyness the same, the same cruel visage,/ the same cold eyes and bestial appearance./ One house has fallen: many more deserve to; over the broad earth, bestiality/ prevails and stirs up the Furies to vengeance.”

There’s no real point to this observation other than noting this forgotten wolf.  It is, though, I think, a significant omission for Derrida to make in a discussion of the institution of law transforming sovereign and miscreant alike into wolves to miss this example that seems to dovetail with his own argument. The ruler – at least in some accounts - who first bestowed the benefits of civic life (and assumedly, the binding laws of behaviour this entailed) to humans, was also cursed with a hubris or arrogance that leads to his behaviour not sanctioned by any law – divine, social or natural alike, and his exile under the conditions of law. The wolf of political rule and lawmaking is transformed directly into the wolf below and outside of society  and its laws. Perhaps this is because Lycaon’s transformation is punishment for violating a higher law other than his own, a divine and – in some ways –a more capricious law. Or, perhaps it's not an intentional omission, but a mere forgetting. Which, it could be argued in Derrida's own logic, is never a mere forgetting...


 

Anyway, there are other strands of similar ancient Greek and Roman stories Derrida doesn’t touch in TBATS, similarly, he omits to go into wolf-myth drawn from other cultures. The ones that I’ve noticed are the suggestions in Homer, Aesop and other early Greek writers that wolves are fierce (for example in the Iliad ‘the Myrmidons… rushed forth like ravening wolves in whose hearts is fury unspeakable—wolves that have slain in the hills a great horned stag, and rend him, and the jaws of all are red with gore…’ (XVI:156ff.) This idea is also accompanied often by the idea that the greatest strength of wolves is in their unity of purpose (Aesop’s battle between the dogs and woves at Perry, 343 or Homer’s description of the Myrmidons, above.) Such ideas contrast starkly with the other dominant perception about wolves that runs through ancient and modern literature: that they occasionally reject or are rejected by their own kind, especially in the figure of a lone wolf that operates outside the society of wolves as a rogue animal. In these perceptions wolves not only occupy a place at the limits of human society, but also as a lone wolf they are outside the society of their fellow wolves.


There is also at times a perception that wolves are, in operating on the fringes of human life, not noble creatures.  To me, this symbolism is inherent in Homer’s episode of Dolon, the Trojan spy sent to assess the Greek camp at night, whose name in Greek, incidentally,  is contiguous with my own surname as meaning both skilful and tricksy (Iliad X: 334.) Dolon covers himself in a wolfskin so as to walk through the Greek camp unnoticed. Instead he is caught by the crafty Diomedes and the craftier Odysseus (deserving of Homer’s epithet ho doulon dolos), is executed in cold blood and his ‘bloody spoils’ hung from the prow of the Ithacan king's ship. It is interesting, here, to note that at the beginning of the book X of the Iliad  both Menelaus and Agamemnon find it hard to sleep. In the middle of the night they both get up and  dress themselves in the skin of a leopard and a lion respectively. This is in contrast to the choice of   Dolon disguising himself in a  wolf pelt cloak and ferret-skin cap for his nocturnal spying mission. Where kings dress themselves in the skins of noble and mighty animals, the spy chooses the skin of a solitary and shameful animal that operates at the fringes of human experience.


Aesop had, of course has many mentions of wolves that echo all these perceptions of wolves. One considered that wolves could prey upon the good nature or stupidity of other species. A wolf is depicted as a lawgiver, who gives himself a larger portion of meat than he gives his subjects, echoed in the ancient poem about exile by the Greek poet Alkaios, who wrote “I live a life in the wolds, longing to hear the agora…. I am in exile, living on the boundary… here I settled alone as a wolf-thicket man. [lykaimiais]…’ A wolf cheats a raven from his bread. A boy claims he sees a wolf so often that when he actually does, no-one believes him and his flock is destroyed. A wolf attempts to find a pretext to eat an innocent lamb; when he is unable to, he eats it anyway as reason has no argument against the wicked intention of the wolf (and, by extension, of the tyrant.)

Beyond this, one significant context that is not mentioned in Derrida’s lectures occurs to me: that of the appearance of several adages about wolves that appear in Erasmus’ Adages. Many are simply phrases that have no great political content: The Cautious Wolf Goes in Fear of the Pit, for instance, to apply to someone who does right only for fear of being caught; Sooner than a wolf mate with a sheep for impossible pairings; one of my favourites is I am holding a wolf by the ears to signify being involved in a course of action that could not be let go of lightly, yet which could not be endured for any length of time, just like, well, holding a wolf by the ears (Incidentally, it was also used much later by Thomas Jefferson about slavery.) They also figure in Erasmus’ longest and best known anti-war polemic, Dulce bellum inexpertis: war is sweet to those who have not experienced it. Only the most savage of animals, he says in DBI, are born for fighting, such as lions, tigers and, indeed, wolves. However, not even these animals fight each other as man does.



Which leads me to the adage Homo homini lupus, a phrase drawn from Plautus' Asinaria and meaning Man is Wolf to Man, used by both Derrida and Erasmus. The first point is a relatively minor one: Derrida attributes the revival and popularity of the phrase to Thomas Hobbes, who used the phrase in his dedicatory letter to De cive. Certainly, it voices a sentiment that is never far away in his idea that  human behaviour is, at least in a state of nature, locked inextricably in a pattern of a war of all against all - bellum omnium contra omne. However, the popularity of the phrase in the renaissance should really be ascribed to Erasmus' Adages. The second point is that it is interesting that Hobbes – like Erasmus before him – does not only liken the actions of men to those of wolves, but also suggests that some of their behaviour is more akin to that of a divine being, a point also not treated by Derrida in TBATS.


I’ll cite from Hobbes' preface at length here not only because he explains the difference between these two seemingly contradictory perspectives on human nature, but also because there’s something I like about it as a piece of polemical prose: 'So that if Cato's saying were a wise one, 'twas every whit as wise that of Pontius Telesinus; who flying about with open mouth through all the Companies of his Army, (in that famous encounter which he had with Sylla) cryed out, That Rome her selfe, as well as Sylla, was to be raz'd; for that there would alwayes be Wolves and Depraedatours of their Liberty, unlesse the Forrest that lodg'd them were grubb'd up by the roots. To speak impartially, both sayings are very true; That Man to Man is a kind of God; and that Man to Man is an arrant Wolfe. The first is true,' he continues, 'if we compare Citizens amongst themselves; and the second, if we compare Cities. In the one, there's some analogie of similitude with the Deity, to wit, Justice and Charity, the twin-sisters of peace: But in the other, Good men must defend themselves by taking to them for a Sanctuary the two daughters of War, Deceipt and Violence: that is in plaine termes a meer brutall Rapacity: which although men object to one another as a reproach, by an inbred custome which they have of beholding their own actions in the persons of other men, wherein, as in a Mirroir, all things on the left side appeare to be on the right, & all things on the right side to be as plainly on the left; yet the naturall right of preservation which we all receive from the uncontroulable Dictates of Necessity, will not admit it to be a Vice, though it confesse it to be an Unhappinesse.'

I find it interesting that Hobbes distinguishes here between the mutually beneficial actions of ‘Citizens among themselves’ being close to the divine and the ‘natural preservation’ of men in societies being closer to the vulpine.

Hobbes was an excellent classicist, familiar not only with the original texts of ancient works, but also with much later Renaissance commentaries, including Erasmus’ Adages – if not directly, at least as it filtered into the renaissance educational curriculumErasmus’ influence on the tradition that informed Hobbes’ political and theological thought has already been noted. However, I'm not sure if anyone has drawn out the significance of Erasmus’ earlier account also having these two ideas about human behaviour wedged next to each other. 


This is at least true of the later editions of the work in which he added essays explaining the particular uses and meanings of particular adages (I think it’s interesting that they were not placed together in earlier editions, instead being placed far apart.) He spends far more time explaining the adage comparing men to gods than he does on their comparison to wolves, in part due to the controversial and potentially blasphemous nature of the proverb to Christian sensibilities. Drawing on a range of classical texts, he concludes that “Among Christians the name of God ought not to be given to any mortal man, even in jest; and yet such an extraordinary and disgusting flattery must be altogether unacceptable to our moral code,’ yet concedes that the adage can have its uses. For instance, he continues, it could be used to convey thanks to another. He gives several concrete examples, to make such proper usages clear. For instance, in giving thanks to a financial patron - a subject often close to the perpetually broke and money-grubbing Erasmus -  one could, he suggests, say ‘I owe everything to letters, even my life; but I owe letters to you, who by your liberality procure me leisure and support me in it. What is this, if not what the Greeks mean when they say “man is a god to man.’”

This is not to say he sees human relationships as being conditioned by these sentiments in general. After all, he included Cicero’s advice that both ‘the advantages and misfortunes of men are for the most part derived from mankind.’ And in this, these two companion adages do not completely contradict one another. Man is able to be godlike and wolf-like to his fellow man. However, Erasmus does point out in his much more brief explanation of the second adage that it is a warning ‘not to trust ourselves to an unknown person, but to be aware of him as of a wolf.’ He cites Plautus directly:  ‘“A man is a wolf and not a man,’ he says, ‘to the one who knows nothing of his character…’”


I’ll put some of my thoughts on Erasmus’ ideas about friendship and how they relate to his perspectives on how princes and states should in theory and did in practice interact elsewhere. However, here at least, it seems to me that his ideas are similar to the later ones voiced by Hobbes. And in this, these two differing perspectives are not as contradictory as they seem at first. Men (and it is men that they are talking about) are able to be of benefit to other men in the societies they share. However, they should be wary of those they don’t know and treat them with the same caution they would afford a wild wolf.

One last question. I wonder if there could be some use for newly coined adages inspired by classical models that Erasmus used, perhaps in the new controversies over the atheism advanced by Hitchens, Dawkins and Gill. Maybe on one side Deus Homini Lupus; on the other Homo Deum Lupus

You can find a short edition of Erasmus’ Adages selected by William Barker here. The illustration for I hold a wolf by the ears can be found at Juliana's blog with several other illustrations of some mottos and adages here. The sculpture of the wolf and the painting above are ones by CoBrA artists; the second is Karel Appel's People, Birds and Other Animals, which was used in Foster's LRB article that sparked this piece off, which has been rather longer and more rambling than I thought it would be. It's good to be back...